Interesting cognitive functions dating can suggest
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INTJs are known to have highly perceptive talents when it comes to thinking. Many INTJs use their perceptive pattern skills to achieve fame in medicine, science, and math. To comprehend more about the INTJ personality, we need to take a look at the different cognitive functions that define the characteristics of the INTJ. For an INTJ, there are four cognitive functions, including introverted intuition, extraverted thinking, introverted feeling, and extraverted sensing. INTJs spend a lot of time considering their plans and looking at potential goals. They also have powerful chronological memories and know how to recall things beyond just the facts.
A disengagement from interactions in the room occurs, followed by a sudden "Aha!" or "That's it!" The sense of the future and the realizations that come from introverted iNtuiting have a sureness and an imperative quality that seem to demand action and help us stay focused on fulfilling our vision or dream of how things will be in the future. Mar 27, † Cognitive Functions. The cognitive functions of a personality type are the main drivers of a person's actions and way of thinking. Cognitive actions that are more important or more in control are called dominant and appear first. Fi - Introverted Feeling The first and most important function for the INFP is introverted feeling. INTJ Cognitive Functions Explained. To comprehend more about the INTJ personality, we need to take a look at the different cognitive functions that define the characteristics of the INTJ. For an INTJ, there are four cognitive functions, including introverted intuition, extraverted thinking, introverted feeling, and extraverted sensing. 1.
Selective attention refers to the ability to attend to some stimuli while disregarding others that are irrelevant to the task at hand. For example, in visual search tasks, people are asked to search a visual display for a target letter that is surrounded by other nontarget letters.
The task can be made more difficult by increasing the similarity of targets and distractors e. In another task - the Stroop task - people are asked to name the color of ink in which an incongruent color word is printed, e.
Here, the word information tends to interfere with color naming, causing errors and an increase in response times. To perform well in these kinds of tasks, people have to select the relevant stimulus or dimensions for processing and ignore the irrelevant ones. Although findings are not entirely consistent across studies and may differ across tasks, in general older adults appear to be slower than younger adults in responding to the targets, but are not differentially affected by distraction [ 34 ].
Thus, deficits found in many of these tasks can be largely attributed to a general slowing of information processing in older adults rather than to selective attention deficits per se.
Divided attention has usually been associated with significant age-related declines in performance, particularly when tasks are complex. Divided attention tasks require the processing of two or more sources of information or the performance of two or more tasks at the same time.
For example, people may have to monitor stimuli at two different spatial locations, or they may be asked to make semantic judgments about visually presented words while simultaneously monitoring for the occurrence of an auditorily presented digit [ 5 ].
The cost of dividing attention is assessed by comparing performance under dual task conditions to performance when the tasks are performed separately. Results suggest that older adults are more affected by the division of attention than young adults, particularly when the attentional demands of the two tasks are high. In addition, older adults seem less able to allocate resources appropriately when instructions are given to vary task priority [ 6 ].
These findings cannot be completely accounted for by a general slowing of information processing, but instead are usually explained in terms of declining processing resources associated with normal aging.
Such limited resources are over-extended in older adults when attention must be divided between two or more sources. Similarly, the performance of older adults is slowed to a greater degree than that of young adults when attention must be switched from one task to another, requiring a change of mental set [ 4 ].
There is evidence that age deficits in divided attention and attention switching can be reduced by practice or extended training [ 7 ] and by aerobic exercise [ 8 ]. The exact mechanism of such improvements, however, is unclear. In the case of task-specific training, it is possible that some cts of the tasks become automatic with practice, thus requiring fewer attentional resources.
Alternatively, participants may develop strategies with extensive training that reduce the attentional demands of the tasks. It has been hypothesized that cardiovascular fitness may improve the efficiency of neural processes or may provide increased metabolic resources for task performance. Interestingly, the enhancement effects of aerobic exercise appear to be greatest on tasks involving executive control of attention [ 9 ], which depend largely on prefrontal cortex. Sustained attention refers to the ability to maintain concentration on a task over an extended period of time.
Typically, vigilance tasks are used to measure sustained attention, in which people must monitor the environment for a relatively infrequent signal, such as a blip on a radar screen. In general, older adults are not impaired on vigilance tasks. Older adults show significant impairments on attentional tasks that require dividing or switching of attention among multiple inputs or tasks. They show relative preservation of performance on tasks that require selection of relevant stimuli; and although they are slower than young adults, they are not differentially impaired by distraction.
They also are able to maintain concentration for an extended period of time. The tasks on which older adults show impairments tend to be those that require flexible control of attention, a cognitive function associated with the frontal lobes. Importantly, these types of tasks appear to be amenable to training and show benefits of cardiovascular fitness. One important ct of daily functioning affected by attentional problems is driving, an activity that, for many older people, is essential to independence.
Driving requires a constant switching of attention in response to environmental contingencies. Attention must be divided between driving, monitoring the environment, and sorting out relevant from irrelevant stimuli in a cluttered visual array. Research has shown that divided attention impairments are significantly associated with increased automobile accidents in older adults [ 310 ].
Given the previously noted findings of the effects of practice, extended training on driving simulators under divided attention conditions may be an important remedial activity for older people. Working memory is a multidimensional cognitive construct that has been hypothesized as the fundamental source of age-related deficits in a variety of cognitive tasks, including long-term memory, language, problem solving, and decision making.
In fact, the majority of theories of cognitive aging seem to implicate working memory. Although there are several models of working memory, all agree that it is a limited capacity system that involves the active manipulation of information that is currently being maintained in focal attention for reviews, see [ ]. Short-term or primary memory, on the other hand, involves the simple maintenance of information over a short period of time.
For example, one might maintain a phone number in short-term memory by simple rehearsal of the number. Repeating the numbers backwards, however, requires an active reorganization or manipulation of the information held in short-term memory. This task thus requires working memory and shows impairments with age.
In some sense, working memory is really a divided attention task - the contents of short-term memory must be maintained while simultaneously being manipulated or processed for some other purpose. Given the previously discussed findings of divided attention deficits with increased age, it is not surprising that older adults are impaired in working memory. In the original working memory model of Baddeley and Hitch [ 14 ], the manipulation of information in short-term memory was handled by a central executive, and deficits in working memory were viewed as deficits in executive control, a function attributed primarily to prefrontal cortex.
Recent neuroimaging research [ 15 ] has confirmed a role for dorsolateral prefrontal cortex PFC in the manipulation and ating of information in working memory, with left PFC involved more in verbal tasks and right PFC in visuospatial tasks. In recent years, however, the role of the central executive has been expanded to cover a range of executive control functions other than those associated strictly with working memory.
These are elaborated in a later chapter section. Although there is a general consensus that working memory is impaired in older adults, there is disagreement concerning the mechanisms involved, and much of the research has focused on testing a variety of theories. The next subsection outlines the main theories of working memory.
Cognitive Functions Illustrated Part 2 (Ti, Fi, Te, Fe)
Three theories of cognitive aging have been articulated within the context of working memory deficits, although they may apply more broadly across other cognitive domains: 1 one theory proposes a reduction of attentional resources, 2 one focuses on reduced speed of information processing, and 3 one ascribes problems to a failure of inhibitory control for review, see [ 16 ].
Theories of age-related decline in working memory generally assume some reduction in processing resources. Craik and colleagues [ 1718 ] have suggested that the resource limitation is attentional and reflects a reduction in mental energy. Tasks with high attentional demands show impairments, whereas tasks requiring little or no attention i. Working memory tasks by their very nature involve divided attention and are therefore more likely to strain the limited resources of older adults.
This theory is intuitively appealing, but it seems more descriptive than explanatory. The construct of attentional resources is poorly defined; and although neurophysiological correlates such as arousal or neural efficiency have been suggested [ 3 ], they have not been demonstrated empirically.
Salthouse [ 19 ] has suggested that speed of processing might be considered a resource, and that age-related deficits in working memory and other cognitive tasks can be explained in terms of a general slowing of information processing. There is little disagreement that older adults are slower than younger adults and that slowing of fundamental cognitive processes may have detrimental effects on more complex tasks.
Debate has focused, instead, on whether a generalized slowing can account for the bulk of the empirical findings or whether more process-specific components are also needed. Salthouse [ 2021 ] has demonstrated in numerous studies that slowing of information processing can account for a large proportion of the age-related variance in a variety of cognitive tasks, including working and long-term memory, and has argued that speed of processing is a cognitive primitive.
Other investigators [ 22 ], however, have suggested that speed of processing and working memory provide independent contributions to higher-level cognition, and that working memory deficits must therefore be accounted for in terms of something other than speed.
Finally, at some level, slowed processing, like attentional resources, is more a descriptor of aging cognition than an explanation for cognitive deficits and says nothing about what causes slowing with age. Here too, therefore, discovery of neurophysiological correlates may help to clarify mechanisms.
Hasher, Zacks, and May [ 2324 ] proposed that a lack of inhibitory control might account for cognitive deficits associated with aging. Specifically, failure to suppress irrelevant information in working memory may effectively reduce its capacity, denying access to relevant information.
For example, working memory span tasks involve the successive presentation across trials of increasingly long strings of digits or words. Although considerable data suggest that older adults experience more interference from irrelevant information under some conditions [ 26 ], findings are mixed and other data fail to support an inhibitory deficit account [ 3 ].
It may be that there are different kinds of inhibition or that age-related effects are task- or paradigm-specific. Older adults exhibit significant deficits in tasks that involve active manipulation, reorganization, or integration of the contents of working memory. Although the mechanisms underlying these age-related deficits are as yet poorly understood, the effects of such deficits are very likely far-reaching.
Many complex everyday tasks such as decision-making, problem-solving, and the planning of goal-directed behaviors require the integration and reorganization of information from a variety of sources. It seems likely that attention, speed of information processing, and the ability to inhibit irrelevant information are all important functions for effective performance of these higher-level cognitive tasks. The brain regions that are active during working memory tasks are also beginning to be identified in a variety of functional neuroimaging studies.
Results suggest that different areas are activated in young and old adults, particularly within the prefrontal cortex, indicating that younger and older adults are performing these tasks differently [ 12 ]. An understanding of age-related neurophysiological changes may help to account for these differences. The cognitive domain that has probably received the most attention in normal aging is memory for reviews, see [ 1327 ]. Like attention, memory is not a unitary construct; some kinds of memory remain relatively intact with age while others show significant declines.
Long-term memory, unlike short-term and working memory, requires retrieval of information that is no longer present or being maintained in an active state. This information could have occurred a few minutes ago or been acquired many years ago.
The next subsections review age-related changes in various kinds of long-term memory. Episodic memory refers to memory for personally experienced events that occurred in a particular place and at a particular time. Episodic memory may be distinctly human; it is the most advanced form of memory and is ontogenetically the latest to develop. It also seems the most susceptible to brain damage and the most affected by normal aging. The episodic memory problems experienced by older adults may involve deficient encoding, storage, or retrieval processes.
At the input stage, older adults may encode new information less meaningfully or with less elaboration, so that memory traces are less distinctive, more similar to others in the memory system, and thereby more difficult to retrieve [ 29 ].
Alternatively, older people may attend to focal or salient information but fail to take account of peripheral detail, or they may fail to integrate contextual cts of an experience with central content - what is sometimes referred to as a source memory problem [ 30 ]. Many of the common everyday memory lapses reported by normal older adults, such as forgetting where they parked their cars, likely involve poor encoding. These kinds of memory failures have generally been attributed to reduced use of effortful encoding strategies, which depend particularly on prefrontal brain regions.
Another possibility is that noticing and integrating the various cts of an experience involve divided attention and require working memory. Older adults may also experience problems at the level of storage or consolidation. This ct of episodic memory critically depends on medial temporal lobe structures, particularly the hippocampus. Consolidation is thought to involve the binding of various cts of experience into a composite memory trace.
What may be particularly critical for episodic memory and impaired in older adults is the extent to which an event is bound to its spatial and temporal context. Finally, considerable evidence points to retrieval as a source of episodic memory problems in aging. Although it is clear that retrieval is at least partly dependent on encoding i. Older adults tend to show deficits on tests of free recall, to a somewhat lesser degree in cued recall, but minimally in recognition memory.
Craik [ 18 ] has argued that the requirement to self-initiate strategic search processes in recall taxes the limited resources of older people. To the extent that environmental support can be provided at retrieval as well as at encoding by providing good cues or using recognition tests, for examplethe resource demands of encoding and retrieval are reduced and age differences are minimal.
Similarly, Jennings and Jacoby [ 31 ] have demonstrated that recollection, which requires effortful retrieval of episodic detail, is impaired with age, whereas the more automatic judgments of familiarity are intact. Evidence from functional neuroimaging and neuropsychological studies suggests that these more strategic retrieval processes depend on the prefrontal cortex, as well as the hippocampus [ 3233 ].
In fact, their knowledge of the world often exceeds that of young people. In addition, although access to information may be somewhat slower particularly for words and namesthe organization of the knowledge system seems unchanged with age for review, see [ 34 ]. Semantic memories are believed to be stored in a variety of regions in posterior neocortex.
The bulk of the evidence suggests that recent memories are easiest to retrieve, those from early childhood are most difficult to retrieve, and there is a monotonic decrease in retention from the present to the most remote past, with one exception. Events that occurred between the ages of 15 and 25 are recalled at a higher rate - what is referred to as the reminiscence bump - a finding that has usually been attributed to the greater salience or emotionality of the memories during this time period.
This general pattern holds across all ages, suggesting that autobiographical memory is largely preserved with age for review, see [ 35 ]. In a recent study, Levine et al. There may be exceptions to this finding, however. Procedural memory refers to knowledge of skills and procedures such as riding a bicycle, playing the piano, or reading a book. These highly skilled activities are acquired more slowly than episodic memories through extensive practice.
Once acquired, procedural memories are expressed rather automatically in performance and are not amenable to description i. With high levels of expertise, there is often little slowing of skilled performance with age at least until the very oldest agesalthough some individual components of the skill may decline.
So, for example, although the finger movements of a skilled typist slow down with age, overall typing speed is maintained because other cts of the skill adjust e.
Theories of cognitive aging that have developed within each cognitive domain are outlined and brain regions hypothesized to underlie these functions are noted. The next chapter section reviews some of the evidence for age-related impairments in basic cognitive functions, focusing primarily on attention and memory, and also discusses briefly the. Oct 11, † INFJ vs. INFP: Cognitive Functions. Let's start with the cognitive functions, as most MBTI practitioners agree that looking to them is the best way to determine personality type. According to the official Myers & Briggs Foundation website, cognitive functions are attitudes "that can be expressed in either the inner world or the outer world Author: Jenn Granneman. The 5th through 8th cognitive functions are considered to be unconscious. Meaning that you aren't normally aware of them. They are weak sometimes negative functions that tend to pop up and surprise you when under stress. The 4 letter personality type code, is simply a way to identify what order the functions appear in each of us.
Procedural memory depends on several brain regions, including the basal ganglia and the cerebellum. Implicit memory refers to a change in behavior that occurs as a result of prior experience, although one has no conscious or explicit recollection of that prior experience. For example, laboratory experiments have shown that it is easier to identify a degraded stimulus e. The most extensively studied form of implicit memory is perceptual priming, which occurs in response to a perceptual cue.
Perceptual priming is modality specific and depends on sensory processing areas of the brain e. Conceptual priming, which requires semantic processing and is observed in response to a conceptual cue, is also preserved in many older adults, and has been associated with left frontal and left temporal cortical regions.
Cognitive functions dating
Much of what we have to remember in everyday life involves prospective memory - remembering to do things in the future, such as keep appointments, return a book to the library, or pay bills on time for review, see [ 41 ].
Older adults do quite well on these daily tasks, using a variety of external aids such as calendars and appointment books to remind themselves of these activities. Certain habitual tasks such as taking medications at the appropriate times each day, however, may create difficulties for older people. For these tasks, there often are no salient reminders or cues in the environment, and so the tasks require the kinds of self-initiated activities that seem to be particularly problematic for older adults.
Prospective memory may also rely on some ct of working memory to maintain future intentions over time and likely also involves divided attention, both functions that show age-related deficits.
Prospective memory and episodic memory tend not to be correlated and probably depend on different regions of the prefrontal cortex. Aging principally affects episodic memory, namely memory for specific events or experiences that occurred in the past.
Although many older adults believe that their memories for remote events are better than their memories for recent events, it is likely that older memories have become more semantic or gistlike, retaining the general core information but lacking details, particularly spatial and temporal context. Encoding and retrieval of these kinds of specific or peripheral details about a prior event may be particularly demanding of attentional resources, and good cues for the retrieval of such information may often be lacking.
Mar 06, † It's so much fun to read about personality type, but the practical application of typing can be life changing. Identifying your personality type, and thereby the cognitive functions that are comprised of your personality type (intuition, sensing, feeling, and thinking), is essential to accurate typing, and accurate typing is essential to personality growth.
Although semantic memory is largely preserved in old age, the fact that what is retrieved from semantic memory is general knowledge, not specific detail, may contribute to the absence of age differences. The specificity of the information to be retrieved may therefore be a critical determinant of age differences [ 43 ]. There is some suggestion that age-related deficits in memory may be reduced for emotionally arousing events or materials [ 38 ], and so emotional or personal investment in an experience may be an important variable in episodic memory in older adults.
High levels of emotion or stress, however, generally have negative effects on memory. Most people view perception as a set of processes that occurs prior to cognition.
However, the boundaries between perception and cognition are unclear, and much evidence suggests that these domains are interactive with top-down cognitive processes affecting perception and perceptual processing having a clear impact on cognition. Evidence indicates that perceptual function is reduced in most older adults and is not always correctable by external aids for review, see [ 44 ]. This suggests, at the very least, that researchers should pay careful attention to and control for sensory and perceptual deficits when conducting cognitive experiments.
Evidence from a range of large-scale aging studies has demonstrated that a significant proportion of the age-related variance in several cognitive tasks can be accounted for by hearing and vision loss and that once these sensory differences are statistically controlled, there are no longer age differences in cognitive functioning [ 45 ].
Baltes and Lindenberger [ 45 ] proposed that overall neural degeneration may account for both sensory and cognitive deficits - what has been called the common cause hypothesis. Alternative explanations have also been proposed, however. For example, Schneider and Pichora-Fuller [ 44 ] suggested that perception and cognition are part of a highly integrated system and draw on a common pool of attentional resources. When parts of this system are stressed, such as when auditory or visual acuity are compromised and are essential to a task, other parts of the system will be negatively affected.
Declining sensory and perceptual abilities have important implications for the everyday lives of older adults. Hearing loss can isolate older people, preventing them from engaging in conversation and other social interactions. Visual impairments can limit mobility and interact with attentional deficits to make driving a particularly hazardous activity. As older people develop strategies to compensate for declining sensory abilities, the ways in which they perform other cognitive tasks may also be altered and may be less efficient.
Retraining and practice on these tasks may help the adjustment and improve performance. Speech and language processing are largely intact in older adults under normal conditions, although processing time may be somewhat slower than in young adults.
In fact, there is evidence that discourse skills actually improve with age. Older people often tell well-structured elaborate narratives that are judged by others to be more interesting than those told by young [ 46 ].
They usually have more extensive vocabularies; and although they exhibit the occasional word-finding difficulty, older adults are easily able to provide circumlocutions to mask the problem. They are skilled conversationalists and appear to have few difficulties in processing ongoing speech. As noted above, however, some older adults have hearing loss and so, in conversational settings, may be required to interpret a weak or distorted acoustic signal.
Even under these conditions, older people seem able to maintain good levels of comprehension by effectively using context to interpret the message [ 47 ]. Nevertheless, this compensatory top-down processing may have negative consequences for other cognitive operations and may be at least partly responsible for reducing the functional capacity of working memory.
Introverted iNtuiting* - (Ni)
The converse relation has also been proposed, however, namely that the well-documented reduced working memory capacity in older adults limits the comprehension of syntactically complex text. The fact that comprehension of text is often measured by recall, a cognitive function known to be impaired in aging, complicates still further the interpretation of comprehension deficits.
Older adults also experience problems with comprehension when individual words are presented at a very rapid rate, but they show sharply reduced impairments when such words form meaningful sentences. Here also, older people seem able to engage intact top-down processes to bolster deficiencies in bottom-up processing.
They thus appear to retain good language skills well into older age. Deficits that occur under difficult processing conditions seem primarily attributable to sensory loss or working memory limitations, not to impairments in basic language capacities per se for a comprehensive review, see [ 48 ]. Relatively little research has been done on the effects of aging on decision-making.
Cognition is "the mental action or process of acquiring knowledge and understanding through thought, experience, and the senses". It encompasses many cts of intellectual functions and processes such as attention, the formation of knowledge, memory and working memory, judgment and evaluation, reasoning and "computation", problem solving and decision making, comprehension and production of. cognitive function: an intellectual process by which one becomes aware of, perceives, or comprehends ideas. It involves all cts of perception, thinking, reasoning, and remembering. Compare conation. Each personality type has four Cognitive Functions. Functions put language to the way they process information and make decisions. Each type is referred to by their top two functions. Internal functions are the ones you use in your head, and external functions are the ones you use to interact with the world around you. Fi - introverted Feeling.
Most of the work has highlighted the potential impact of attentional and working memory limitations on the ability to make decisions, but also has incorporated ideas involving motivation, relevance, emotional investment, and prior knowledge as important moderators of those effects, particularly in real-life contexts. Decision-making seems to be a domain that makes clear demands on processing resources, but in everyday life those demands may be reduced by life-relevant knowledge or expertise in the problem-solving domain.
For example, research has shown that when making decisions about healthcare alternatives, buying a car, or buying insurance, older adults often come to the same kinds of decisions as younger adults but reach their conclusions in a different way. They tend to rely more on prior knowledge about the problem domain and less on new information, whereas young people, who likely have less knowledge about these issues, tend to sample and evaluate more current information and consider more alternatives before making their decisions for review, see [ 49 ].
Older adults, again possibly because of working memory limitations, tend to rely on expert opinion to a greater degree than young adults. Although this strategy may work reasonably well when the expert is well-qualified e.
Poor decision-making may also be a result of episodic memory decline, particularly the loss of memory for details or source. In the past decade, there has been an increasing focus on executive control as a primary contributor to cognitive decline with age. Executive control is a multi-component construct that consists of a range of different processes that are involved in the planning, organization, coordination, implementation, and evaluation of many of our nonroutine activities.
This so-called central executive [ 1450 ] plays a key role in virtually all cts of cognition, allocating attentional resources among stimuli or tasks, inhibiting distracting or irrelevant information in working memory, formulating strategies for encoding and retrieval, and directing all manner of problem-solving, decision-making, and other goal-directed activities. Executive control is particularly important for novel tasks for which a set of habitual processes is not readily available.
Executive function depends critically on prefrontal cortex, which exerts its broad-reaching controlling influence via extensive reciprocal connections with posterior cortical regions. A parsimonious explanation of cognitive aging ascribes a causal role to executive control deficits - what has been called the frontal lobe hypothesis of aging [ 51 ]. In support of this hypothesis, both structural and functional neuroimaging studies have revealed a preferential decline in older adults in volume and function of prefrontal brain regions [ 52 ].
Although there are clear generalities and common principles that can be demonstrated in cognitive aging, what is perhaps most compelling about age-related cognitive change is its variability. Cognitive decline is not inevitable. Some older adults retain excellent cognitive function well into their 70s and 80s and perform as well or better than younger adults. Others, although within the normal range, show signs of decline by age In addition, decline is not uniform across cognitive domains.
For example, some older adults have excellent episodic memory function but impaired executive function, and vice versa [ 53 ]. So, although there are clear interactions among cognitive domains, it seems evident that they also have some degree of independence and may be more or less susceptible to aging in different individuals.
What accounts for this variability is of considerable interest to researchers and to the increasing numbers of older people who want to ensure that their cognitive functioning remains intact well into their later years.
Inter-individual variability is likely attributable to a range of factors and mechanisms - biological, psychological, health-related, environmental, and lifestyle. One possibility is that variability is related to differential internal compensatory mechanisms. A number of recent functional neuroimaging studies have found different patterns of brain activation in older and younger adults while performing identical memory or working memory tasks.
One such pattern involves greater bilateral activation in older adults for tasks that activate only unilateral brain regions in young adults [ 5455 ]. This increased activation has been observed particularly in a sub-group of high-functioning older people [ 56 ], and has been interpreted by many as compensatory activity, representing perhaps some reorganization of the aging brain. Others have suggested, however, that bilateral activation represents inefficient or less selective cognitive processing in older adults [ 57 ].
Another possibility is that such changes relate to declining sensory and perceptual abilities [ 44 ], which older people compensate for in a variety of different ways for discussion, see [ 58 ]. Lifestyle variables have also been the focus of much recent research on factors related to differential cognitive aging.
Active lifestyles are generally associated with better outcomes, and aerobic exercise in particular has been shown to produce substantial benefits to cognitive function, particularly on those tasks requiring executive control [ 9 ].
Performance on these same kinds of non-automatic tasks is also particularly sensitive to circadian rhythms. For example, older people perform better at their peak time of day, usually in the morning, on tasks requiring inhibitory control [ 24 ]. Interestingly, stimulants such as caffeine have been found to reduce the time-of-day effects on strategic memory tasks, by enhancing performance during non-peak times of day [ 59 ]. Age-related changes in cognitive function vary considerably across individuals and across cognitive domains, with some cognitive functions appearing more susceptible than others to the effects of aging.
Much of the basic research in cognitive aging has focused on attention and memory, and indeed it may be that deficits in these fundamental processes can account for much of the variance observed in higher-level cognitive processes.
The mapping of cognitive processes onto neural structures constitutes a relatively recent research enterprise driven largely by advances in neuroimaging technology see Chapter 12this volume. Early work in this area focused on establishing brain regions associated with different kinds of cognitive performance and revealed that normally aging older adults often appear to activate different brain structures than young people when performing cognitive tasks.
The reasons for these differences are a matter of considerable debate. Ultimately, the understanding of age-related changes in cognition will require a parallel understanding of the age-related changes in the brain and the underlying mechanisms responsible for those changes.
This volume explores the current state of research on the aging brain, providing some initial hypotheses concerning how changes in the nervous system may be related to the kinds of age-related cognitive changes that are outlined in this chapter.
Each of us has a "dominant" function that is our strongest function and the one that comes most naturally.
Your strong points and the things you are really good at doing will usually be a direct result of what your dominant function is.
Each of us has an "auxiliary" function. It is our second strongest function and it supports the dominant function. Thus if you know someone's dominant and auxiliary function you can predict many things about their behavior and their preferences.
The 3rd and 4th function develop later in life and tend to represent areas where we are challenged. Areas where you might be weak or troubled can be predicted by knowing your 3rd and 4th function. The 5th through 8th cognitive functions are considered to be unconscious.
Meaning that you aren't normally aware of them. They are weak sometimes negative functions that tend to pop up and surprise you when under stress. The 4 letter personality type code, is simply a way to identify what order the functions appear in each of us.
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